Today, Justin Trudeau reacted to Donald Trump's new immigration policy by tweeting:
To those fleeing persecution, terror & war, Canadians will welcome you, regardless of your faith. Diversity is our strength #WelcomeToCanada— Justin Trudeau (@JustinTrudeau) January 28, 2017
Is there more behind this tweet than just the usual "diversity is our strength" virtue signalling?
In my new book Trumping Trudeau: How Donald Trump will change Canada even if Justin Trudeau doesn't know it yet (available at Amazon.ca and Amazon.com), I look at the connection between Trudeau, and one of the most wealthy and powerful open borders advocates in the world:
Here's an excerpt from Trumping Trudeau, called "What Would Soros Do":
Donald Trump beat Hillary Clinton in the election, and he’s in the process of beating her allies in the mainstream media. But there’s another, somewhat hidden hand that has been fighting against Trump, which he has yet to take on, at least publicly. That’s George Soros, the Hungarian-born billionaire who has long been the richest donor to Democratic causes in the U.S. — and an even bigger financier of left-wing street activism around the world.
Soros has had a colourful career as a financier, making a name for himself as the banker who bet billions against the British pound in 1992 — and crashed the currency. He pushed millions of Brits into poverty, but he made an estimate $1 billion off the deal himself.
This is a man who casts himself as a progressive champion of the underdog.
Soros has been a major donor to Democratic campaigns, spending tens of millions of dollars in a vain attempt to defeat George W. Bush in 2004, telling the Washington Post that beating the Republican was “the central focus of my life.” That failed, but Soros also spent tens of millions of dollars setting up countless cookie-cutter “non-partisan” political action groups around America, with vague names like Open Society Foundations, Center for American Progress (CAP) and Americans Coming Together. Some of those groups were shut down for campaign-spending violations; others remain active to this day. CAP, for example, was the political home of John Podesta, who became Hillary Clinton’s campaign chairman. Not only did CAP host a gala event for Trudeau during his first trip to Washington as prime minister, it also worked with Trudeau’s own version of CAP, a non-profit political action group called Canada2020.
Those are the more respectable recipients of Soros’s banking profits. Soros specializes in dirtier work, including political action that’s done on the streets — sometimes through violence.
In America, that’s taken the form of Black Lives Matter, the race-based pressure group that has fomented riots from Ferguson, Missouri, to Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and inspired a wave of anti-police violence. The violence was actually what got Soros excited; in an internal Soros memo released by DC Leaks (similar to Wikileaks), Open Society staff wrote this about the Baltimore riots: “While many lamented the damage done, the overwhelming sentiment is that the uprising has catalyzed a paradigm shift in Baltimore that offers opportunities for major justice reforms.” So they cut them a $650,000 cheque — crime does pay, when it has a political goal.
Soros has been doing this for years. Last time, it was Occupy Wall Street, the anti-capitalist street gangs famous for squatting in city parks around the U.S. and even in Canadian cities. If Soros doesn’t fund a group directly, odds are he funds a middleman who does. Soros has given millions of dollars to the Tides Foundation of San Francisco, which specializes in “donor advised giving” — a sanitized phrase meaning that Soros gets the charitable tax receipt and Tides takes a commission, but the money is essentially laundered. There’s no disclosure of what entity receives the money in the end.
It’s a great way for U.S. billionaires to muck around in different countries, which Soros likes to do. In 2015 alone, the Tides Foundation made nearly 150 different grants to Canadian political pressure groups, mainly fighting against Canada’s oilsands. Aboriginal pressure groups, environmental lawyers and even street protesters like Greenpeace and the Council of Canadians took money from Soros’s middleman, Tides. For example, the year before the Canadian federal election, Tides pumped nearly $80,000 into Leadnow, a pro-Trudeau Canadian campaign group that was instrumental in electing Liberal MPs in B.C., on a promise of fighting the oilsands.
That’s how Soros fights in Canada and the U.S. The Soros leaks show that he’s obsessed with promoting Muslim immigration to the west — and is spending millions of his own dollars forcing Muslim migrants into Europe, by funding political activists and lawyers to batter through any democratic opposition. Soros doesn’t hide his goals — he wants to replace the democratically elected leaders in places like Israel, Hungary and elsewhere who get in his way. He has funded successful street revolutions everywhere from Serbia to Georgia. It’s what he does.
But money can’t buy everything; in fact, Soros’s tactics may have backfired in the 2016 election. Trump didn’t try to appease Black Lives Matter. It was a shocking spectacle when a major Trump rally in Chicago was shut down by Black Lives Matter-style street thugs, who infiltrated the event, fighting with Trump supporters and even rioting against the police outside. When extremists with the Soros-funded group La Raza protested Trump rallies by blocking highways and flying Mexican flags, it surely revved up the hard-left. But it shocked middle America — the very people Trump was targeting. From that moment forward, Trump made a point of taking photos with police and other law enforcement personnel at every stop — signalling that the era of street violence would end under his presidency. To left-wing activists, the sight of a Mexican flag waving in the streets of America was very exciting; but for every vote it recruited against Trump in California, it surely got him five elsewhere, and turned his promise of building a wall into a sure-fire applause line at rallies.
Soros and Tides, and other American billionaires, fund dozens of Canadian lobby groups, including many that registered in the 2015 federal election as what Elections Canada calls “Third Party Campaigns” — almost all of which campaigned against Stephen Harper’s Conservatives. It’s technically illegal for U.S. donors like Soros to contribute to a Canadian election, but Elections Canada doesn’t have the resources, or the political interest, to audit more than one hundred groups. And besides, a U.S.-funded lobby group that paid for its equipment, office and staff with American money could simply declare that its actual Canadian campaign expenditures were funded solely by its Canadian donors and that the American money just bought the building and equipment.
Those hundred-plus Third Parties Campaigns are just the ones that registered and complied with election laws. But others, like the hyper-partisan David Suzuki Foundation, simply refused to file. It’s a gamble, but it’s probably a smart one. They’re taking the position that what they say — when they attack Stephen Harper, or oppose a pipeline — isn’t campaigning, and therefore they can spend their money how they like. And who’s going to complain — Justin Trudeau?
This cross-border murky funding model is new to most Canadians, but it’s old hat to Gerald Butts, who cultivated foreign donors when he ran the Canadian branch of the anti-oil World Wildlife Fund. He’s completely comfortable with foreign billionaires and complex financing structures. It’s no surprise that when Trudeau went to Davos, he spent some private time with Soros. What was surprising is that Trudeau tweeted a picture of the two of them in an intimate conversation. Normally politicians don’t advertise when they meet with foreign billionaires who are known to bankroll campaigns. But again, who’s going to investigate — the ethics commissioner?
Who knows what the billionaire and the politician talked about, and whether or not a generous gift was made to one of Trudeau’s Canadian street teams, like Leadnow or Canada2020. But several months later, Trudeau announced that the Canadian government was teaming up with Soros and the United Nations, to promote Muslim migration to the west, including a propaganda project to “provide a vehicle that mobilizes citizens in direct support of refugees and encourages a broader political debate that is supportive of refugee protection.”
Soros moves fast; three months later, the Canadian government held an international conference to promote Muslim migration to the west. Not only were senior Soros staff helping to run the government event, but an additional name popped up in the official Canadian press release: Frank Giustra. Giustra was a hot potato in the U.S. presidential election because he pledged an eye-popping US$100 million donation to one of the Clinton family foundations, the money machine that made Bill and Hillary filthy rich, while serving as a back door to the U.S. State Department. According to the Washington Post, not only did Giustra pledge the nine-figure sum, he let Bill Clinton use his private jet at will — more than 25 flights. Must be nice.
But billionaires, even generous ones, don’t usually give something for nothing. Giustra was one of the stars of the best-selling book, Clinton Cash, written by Peter Schweizer, and a documentary by the same name. Here’s just one curious fact Schweizer unearthed: Giustra had dinner with the Clintons one night in 2010; the next night, the Clintons met with the president of Colombia. A short time later, a company in which Giustra had a stake, “acquired the right to cut timber in a biologically diverse forest on the pristine Colombian shoreline,” and another was granted oil drilling rights.
That was chicken feed compared to Giustra’s next deal with the Clintons. In 2005, Giustra and Bill Clinton jetted to Kazakhstan to dine with the country’s dictator. Days later, Giustra’s mining company acquired a stake in three government-run uranium mines, as well as some uranium mines that the Kazakhs controlled in the U.S.
After a US$3.5 billion merger, the Russian nuclear agency, Rosatom, bought out Giustra. But the sale of so much of the world’s uranium resources — including in America — required the approval of the U.S. State Department.
Luckily for Giustra, the secretary of state by then was none other than Hillary Clinton herself — so she approved the transfer of the company, which controlled 20 per cent of American uranium production, to Russian ownership.
Giustra denies any wrongdoing; and the Clintons claim that a $500,000 speech Bill gave in Russia had nothing to do with the sale. But the Clinton campaign seemed to acknowledge there was a problem, when it promised mid-campaign that Clinton foundations would stop accepting foreign funds if Hillary became president.
The fact that billionaire Clinton donors have so easily transferred their affections to Justin Trudeau should be of concern to Canadians. First there was the U.K. Brexit referendum, then the Trump win and before the year is out, conservative nationalists may well have ousted Soros-friendly governments in France, Germany, Holland and elsewhere. With three years to go before he faces the electorate again, Trudeau seems to have become Soros’s new toy — and the puppet of other Clinton donors, too.
Muslim migration is high on the Soros-Giustra agenda; that may explain why Trudeau has announced that Canada’s immigration levels will rise even higher next year, despite polls showing that only a microscopic 8 per cent of Canadians support higher levels. What George Soros wants, George Soros gets. One of Soros’s obsessions is with liberalizing voting laws, such as suing to repeal voter ID requirements. That, too, may explain Trudeau’s inexplicable infatuation with throwing out Canada’s first-past-the-post electoral system, in favour of an ill-defined replacement for which there is no palpable demand. These are Canadian problems, and they go to our national sovereignty, political transparency and the unfortunate Liberal tendency towards financial corruption.
But there is an obvious Canada-U.S. relations aspect to all this, too: George Soros, more than any other American, is the leader of the opposition to Donald Trump. He has no position in Congress, and never will — he’s 86 years old. But unlike the Clintons, he’s not exhausted; he doesn’t care if he’s demonized in the media. He knows that real power comes from money — maybe not enough to win the election, but enough to agitate, harass and disrupt. The Soros-backed riot at the Chicago Trump rally backfired. But getting good press is no longer the goal — anti-democratic action is the next move, stirring up conflict and division, muddying the waters and stepping on any good news stories Trump might otherwise earn. He's playing dirty — but that’s Soros's specialty.
Clinton herself went into a reclusive funk after she lost; but after a few days of regrouping, far-left street teams of professional protesters rampaged through leftist hotspots, like Portland, Oregon. They not only rioted, Black Lives Matter-style, they threatened any media who dared to videotape them. They even threatened other protesters with “Don’t snitch, ever” leaflets — demanding that no cell-phone videos be filmed of the rioters. These weren’t organic, spontaneous riots — according to Portland media, 60 per cent of the rioters were from out of state — it was a planned, orchestrated event. Soros rarely takes responsibility for actual violence and it would have been legally dangerous for him to do so in Portland. But two weeks after the election, he announced a US$10 million grant to combat “incendiary rhetoric” from Trump and his supporters. That $10 million will be spent on “community groups and civil rights organizations,” to be named later — suggesting that Black Lives Matter and La Raza could be recipients. That’s a lot of walking-around money for professional protesters, some of whom are known to charge up to $1,500 a day to protest, Chicago- or Portland-style. That could come as soon as the inauguration, where Soros-backed pressure groups are organizing a week-long series of street demonstrations.
Soros has taken it upon himself to be America’s leading anti-Trump gadfly — not even giving Trump the courtesy of a moment’s peace for his ceremonial swearing-in. Soros is Trump’s problem to deal with — Soros is an American, and any protests in America are for Trump to worry about. But Trudeau is importing Soros, making him a financier, partner and advisor, especially on the core issues for the Trump administration. Trudeau will face enough challenges building a personal relationship with Trump — why is he bringing along the Republicans’ public enemy number one, with all his baggage, too?
Of course, it’s not just Soros. It’s the whole Democratic machine. They all went north to colonize Trudeau’s Liberal Party. Jennifer O’Malley Dillon, Obama’s assistant campaign manager, was the unofficial ambassador from Obama to Trudeau. Her job was simple: teach him how to defeat a sitting Conservative prime minister, Stephen Harper. Her U.S.-based team got in on it, but were clever enough not to tweet about their role publicly, until after the vote was over. George Soros would have approved.
The great David Axelrod, master strategist of Obama’s 2008 breakthrough, joined in, too. And Mitch Stewart, Obama’s battleground states director, was brought in, as well. It’s surprising that the whole campaign wasn’t just run out of Washington, or Chicago.
No wonder the Trudeau team wanted to pay it forward. In January 2016, just a week before Trudeau would meet Soros in Davos, Trudeau’s team met with the Center for American Progress and offered to return the favour. A memo, revealed by Wikileaks, was sent to Hillary Clinton’s campaign chairman and spokesman, letting them know that CAP was “planning a big party in DC” for Trudeau. “And wondered what they might do to help” the campaign.
Gerald Butts, Trudeau’s best friend and principal secretary, was his go-between with Soros's front groups. And the same Gerald Butts is reportedly taking meetings at Trump Tower with Trump’s transition team. It will be interesting to see how long he’ll be able to ride two horses.