Quite the legal precedent was set in Ottawa on Tuesday, May 17, as the federal champions of political progressivism announced their latest priority for all of us freedom-starved and highly oppressed Canadians:
Trudeau asked the Justice Minister:
“[T]o make it a priority to introduce legislation ‘to add gender identity as a prohibited ground for discrimination under the Canadian Human Rights Act, and to the list of distinguishing characteristics of 'identifiable group' protected by the hate speech provisions of the Criminal Code.’”
Justin says “group.” He likely means “class,” because the transgender movement is actually as much about Marxist political interpretation as it is supposed liberal values.
Marxists, if you recall, don’t tend to speak much about individuals — their quirks, talents, or especially their flaws. According to Marx, the only “evils” that truly exist are found in the dominant oppressive class system.
Accordingly, what does it matter to Marxist theorists if we happen to use human rights law to protect an entire class of mentally disordered people?
Yes, you read that correctly.
While it is true that the American Psychological Association renamed gender identity disorder into “dysphoria” in 2012, truth has not entirely fled the field, or been renamed into oblivion. The simple fact is that the transgendered are still disordered.
Yet, in keeping with la revolución, we’ll just disregard the individual quirks and approve of their class — especially when Caitlyn wears Cartier.
We should forget that all this “human rights” focus began with actual racism from the segregationist sixties. Forget, too, that Martin Luther King had a dream that children would, one day, be judged by the “content of their character.”
Those days are long gone. Who actually believes that character matters anymore? If it did, progressivists would challenge the needy, not enable their delusions.
What, precisely, makes it a crime to hate a psychological disorder? For all their wicked deceit and violence, neither Stalin nor Hitler forced such legislation through the Duma or Reichstag. This kind of political vanity is, instead, far more modern — belonging almost exclusively to contemporary “neurocrats.”
All that truly matters to neo-Marxist theorists is the next victimhood they can hitch their "tachanka" to, so as to overthrow the perceived dominant social order. In the manner of Orwell’s "Animal Farm," they’re out to reconstruct society, after all — “two legs good and four legs better” — utilizing their own highly ideological, radicalized, and contrived definitions of equality.
The pattern reads like a proletarian playbook: pay a few academics to claim kleptomania is genetically determined. Make kleptomaniacs out to be the victims of social class-bias. Publicly shame conservatives and Christians with accusations of kleptophobia. Legislate kleptomania as a protected class. Teach kleptomania-sensitive courses in kindergarten. Force kleptomania clubs inside private Christian and Jewish schools — because, after all, the entire Ten Commandments can be rewritten in terms of “theft”:
Listen again to Canada’s El Presidente, when he speaks about his transgendered legislation:
“We must diligently close the gap between our principles and reality.”
He speaks as though he stood on bedrock. Yet, what principles are these that won’t be made malleable by next week’s academic troop of McGill-a guerrillas?
Does “reality” have much bearing on la revolución? Does a woman really make herself a man by repeating some politicized mantra in the mirror?
Get real. Rather, this latest incursion of social Marxism is both fantasy and militant misery.
Did any readers here take the opportunity a month ago to follow the University of Washington campus interviews based upon identity politics? If it weren’t for the campus blossoms, viewers would have sworn they had entered an entirely surreal state.
It was jaw-droppingly painful observing the mental pilates and catatonic stupor of students attempting to balance their Marxist identity-conditioning with raw reality. Simple truths were shockingly difficult for these budding academics — which is probably why Hans Christian Anderson chose a child, not a sorority senior, to tell the Emperor that he was naked.
Unlike Captain Picard of Star Trek TNG fame, these students would scarcely have wasted one nano-second claiming that there are five lights, or thirty-seven, or eighty-three, if instructed to do so. Whatever the academic junta wants.
And herein lies both the problem and the hope.
This revolución relies far too heavily upon a class of semi-robotic and docile underlings. It actually has all the appearance of a dead fish floating downriver, not a live one headed upstream. It has little to no rebellious spirit — grounded in either the fierce motivation of a Kingdom to come, or a palpably improved future.
Hence, when that spirit of rebellion actually awakens, la revolución may find itself the victim of those same people who suddenly perceive that they have been sold a Marxist charade.
At that point, El Presidente, and the rest of the neurocratic ilk, will be seen to be naked.